This is a complete transcript and the full video of President Obama’s meeting with Senate Democrats on Feb. 3, 2010. The transcript was provided by the White House and downloaded from WhiteHouse.gov at approximately 11:15 a.m. Eastern on Feb. 4, 2010

10:09 A.M. EST

THE PRESIDENT: Thank you, guys. Thank you. Thank you very much. Thank you. Everybody please have a seat. Thank you.

Listen, you guys had to listen to me at the State of the Union — or at least pretend to listen to me. (Laughter.) So I’ll try to keep it relatively brief, some opening remarks and then open it up for questions.

First of all, I just want to thank Harry Reid. (Applause.) I recently said he’s got one of the toughest jobs in Washington — managing an institution that by its very nature is, let’s face it, you guys are a little difficult to manage. I’ve been a part of this caucus. I really don’t think anybody could have done a better job under more trying circumstances than Harry Reid. And I think he deserves a huge round of applause. (Applause.)

Now, let me start by saying we always knew this was going to be a difficult year to govern — an extraordinarily difficult year to govern. We began 2009 with a financial system on the brink of collapse, an economy bleeding nearly 700,000 jobs per month, a $1.3 trillion deficit, and two wars that were costly in every sense of the word. We knew that solutions wouldn’t come easily or come quickly. We knew that the right decisions would be tough and sometimes they would be unpopular. And we knew that we might have to make them sometimes without any help from our friends on the other side of the aisle.

But we made those decisions. We led. Those actions prevented another Great Depression; they broke the back of a severe recession. The economy that was shrinking by 6 percent a year ago is now growing at nearly 6 percent one year later. (Applause.) That’s because of the work that you did.

Harry listed some of the work that you did on behalf of the American people, even under these difficult circumstances: extending health insurance to 4 million children, protecting consumers from getting ripped off by their credit card companies, and kids being targeted by big tobacco. Some things that weren’t noted or didn’t get a lot of attention: You reformed defense spending by eliminating waste, and saved taxpayers billions while keeping us safe at the same time. You gave billions of dollars of tax relief to small businesses and 95 percent of working families here in America.

You did all this despite facing enormous procedural obstacles that are unprecedented. You may have looked at these statistics. You had to cast more votes to break filibusters last year than in the entire 1950s and ’60s combined. That’s 20 years of obstruction packed into just one. But you didn’t let it stop you.

As Harry mentioned, though, our mission is far from accomplished, because while the worst of the storm has passed, far too many Americans are still hurting in its wake. I know you’ve seen it back home in the shuttered businesses, the foreclosed homes; you’ve heard it from constituents who are desperate for work; and we’ve seen it in the burdens that families have been grappling with long since this recession hit — issues that we’ve been talking about now for years: the burden of working harder and longer for less, of being unable to save enough to retire or to help kids with college expenses, the extraordinarily constant rising costs of health care.

Those problems haven’t gone away. It’s still our responsibility to address them. All that’s changed in the last two weeks is that our party has gone from having the largest Senate majority in a generation to the second largest Senate majority in a generation. And we’ve got to remember that. There was apparently a headline after the Massachusetts election; the Village Voice announced that Republicans win a 41-59 majority. (Laughter.) It’s worth thinking about. We still have to lead.

Saving and creating jobs have to continue to be our focus in 2010. Last year, we gave small business — the engines of job creation — tax relief, and expanded lending through the SBA. I don’t know if you are aware that SBA loans have gone up 70, 80 percent, which, by the way, indicates the degree to which there is still huge demand among small businesses. Some of the banks are saying, well, we’re not lending because there’s not as much demand out there. There are a lot of small businesses that are hungry for loans out there right now. And we’ve made progress but they’re still struggling. So I’ve proposed additional ideas to help small businesses start up and hire, to raise wages and expand, and to get the credit they need to stay afloat. You’ve made some of these same proposals, as well. We should put them into action without delay. (Applause.)

We’ve invested in America’s infrastructure, rebuilding roads and bridges, and ports and railways, and putting people to work strengthening our communities and our country. And as you know, the Recovery Act was designed so that a lot of that work is going to be taking place this year, not just last year. Many of the projects you funded come online in the next six months. But we can do more, and we should do so without delay.

Through the investments you made in clean energy startups, we’ve not only helped put Americans to work, we’re on track to double our nation’s capacity to generate renewable energy over the next few years. I’ve proposed additional tax credits that will promote private sector hiring and energy conservation. We should do that without delay.

I think ideas like this should be pretty palatable to the other party. They seem pretty common sense, pretty centrist. We should be able to hear their ideas as well. That’s why I spoke to the Republican caucus last Friday. I think it was to the country’s benefit that we had an open and frank discussion about the challenges facing the American people and our ideas to solve them. (Applause.) I got to admit, I had a little fun at that caucus. (Laughter.)

Now, obviously, on some issues, we didn’t agree. But on some, we did. And I’m reminded that when it came to health insurance reform in particular, I sought out and supported Republican ideas from the start — so did you. Max Baucus — where’s Max? I think he can testify to spending a little time listening to Republican ideas. So can Chris Dodd and Tom Harkin. You considered hundreds of Republican amendments, and incorporated many of their ideas into the legislation that passed the Senate. So when I start hearing that we should accept Republican ideas, let’s be clear — we have. What hasn’t happened is the other side accepting our ideas.

And I told them, I want to work together when we can, and I meant it. I believe that’s the best way to get things done for the American people. But I also made it clear that we’ll call them out when they say they want to work with us and we extend a hand and get a fist in return.

Last week, for example, you put up for a vote a bill I supported — Conrad-Gregg fiscal commission. We were sure this was going to be bipartisan, only to see seven Republicans who co-sponsored the idea in the first place suddenly decide to vote against it.

Now, I’m open to honest differences of opinion. But what I’m not open to is changing positions solely because it’s good short-term politics. And what I’m not open to is a decision to stay on the sidelines and then assign blame. I’ve little patience for the kinds of political calculation that says the cost of blocking everything is less than the cost of passing nothing; that basically says “If they lose, I win.” That’s been the politics in Washington for too long, and the problem is it leaves the American people out of the equation.

So I would just suggest to this caucus, if anybody is searching for a lesson from Massachusetts, I promise you the answer is not to do nothing. The American people are out of patience with business as usual. They’re fed up with a Washington that has become so absorbed with who’s up and who’s down that we’ve lost sight of how they’re doing. They want us to start worrying less about keeping our jobs and more about helping them keep their jobs.

And they want to see their business done in an open and transparent way. When we took back the Senate in 2007, we did so in part because we made a case that we’d be better on ethics and transparency. And we backed that up by passing the most sweeping ethics reforms since Watergate and by beginning to address earmark abuse. We should be proud of those accomplishments. But if we’re going to erase that deficit of trust that I mentioned at the State of the Union, we’re still going to have to do more.

That’s why I’ve proposed that we work together to make all earmark requests public, on one central Web site, before they come up for a vote; and to require lobbyists to discuss details of their contacts on behalf of their clients with the administration or with Congress. That’s why, working with people like Dick Durbin, who’s been vocal on this for a long time, we’ve got to confront the gaping loophole that the Supreme Court recently opened in our campaign finance laws that allowed special interests to spend without limit to influence American elections.

We’ve also got to get back to fiscal responsibility. And I spoke about this at the State of the Union. Just 10 years ago, America had a budget surplus of over $200 billion. Remember, people were worried about what might happen with all these surpluses, and whether it would create problems in the financial markets. That was just a decade ago.

After two wars, two tax cuts, prescription drug program — none of which were paid for — we faced a deficit of over $1 trillion, a debt over the next decade of $8 trillion, before my administration spent a single dollar.

Now, we can’t change the past, but we can change the future. That’s why I’m asking you to adopt a freeze in non-security discretionary spending for the next three years, starting next year. We’re still having a tough time right now, given the economy is just starting to pick up steam — but starting next year.

That’s why I’m grateful that all of you restored the PAYGO rules that worked so well in the 1990s. I already mentioned the fiscal commission. We may not have been able to get the votes for a statutory commission, but we’re going to — I am going to appoint a commission by executive order, because it’s important for us to take these issues seriously — not just for us but for our children and our grandchildren.

Let me just wrap up by saying this. I know these are tough times to hold public office. I’m there in the arena with you. The need is great. The anger and the anguish are intense. The economy is massive and so, as a consequence, no matter what levers and buttons we press, sometimes it doesn’t move as quickly as is needed to provide relief to so many of our constituents. In that kind of circumstance, I think the natural political instinct is to tread lightly, keep your head down, and to play it safe.

I’ve said this before to this caucus; I just want to say it again. For me, it is constantly important to remind myself why I got into this business in the first place; why I’m willing to be away from my family for big stretches at a time; the financial sacrifices that so many of you have made; being subject to criticism constantly. You don’t get in this for the fame. You don’t get in it for the title. You get in it because somewhere in your background, at some point in time, you decided there was an issue that was so important that you were willing to stand up and be counted. You were going to fight for something. And you decided you were going to run as a Democrat because there was a core set of values within the Democratic Party about making sure that everybody had a fair shot, making sure that middle-class folks were treated fairly in our economy, making sure that those who were on the outside had a way in that led you to get involved in public service.

And that’s what we have to remind ourselves, especially when it’s hard — especially when it’s hard. You look at an issue right now like health care. So many of us campaigned on the idea that we were going to change this health care system. So many of us looked people in the eye who had been denied because of a preexisting condition, or just didn’t have health insurance at all, or small business owners in our communities who told us that their premiums had gone up 25 percent or 30 percent. And we said we were going to change it.

Well, here we are with a chance to change it. And all of you put extraordinary work last year into making serious changes that would not only reform the insurance industry, not only cover 30 million Americans, but would also bend the cost curve, and save a trillion dollars on our deficits, according to the Congressional Budget Office. There’s a direct link between the work that you guys did on that and the reason that you got into public office in the first place.

And so as we think about moving forward, I hope we don’t lose sight of why we’re here. We’ve got to finish the job on health care. (Applause.) We’ve got to finish the job on financial regulatory reform. (Applause.) We’ve got to finish the job even though it’s hard.

And I’m absolutely confident that if we do so in an open way, in a transparent way, in a spirit that says to our political opponents that we welcome their ideas, we are open to compromise, but what we’re not willing to do is to give up on the basic notion that this government can be responsive to ordinary people and help give them a hand up so they can achieve their American Dream — we will not give up that ideal. (Applause.) If that’s where we go, I’m confident that politics in 2010 will take care of themselves.

Harry, thank you very much. I’m going to turn it over to questions. Thank you. (Applause.)

SENATOR REID: First question, Arlen Specter. Let me tell everyone people have come to me and indicated they wanted to ask questions. We’re taking a list of those. Arlen Specter is first.

SENATOR SPECTER: Mr. President, I begin by applauding your decision to place the economy at the top of the agenda, to put America back to work and provide jobs, jobs, jobs.

I have a two-part question, and just a brief statement of the issue. We have lost 2.3 million jobs as a result of the trade imbalance with China between 2001 and 2007. The remedies to save those jobs are very ineffective — long delays, proceedings before the International Trade Commission, subject to being overruled by the President. We have China violating international law with subsidies and dumping — really, a form of international banditry. They take our money and then they lend it back to us and own now a big part of the United States.

The first part of my question is, would you support more effective remedies to allow injured parties — unions which lose jobs, companies which lose profits — by endorsing a judicial remedy, if not in U.S. courts perhaps in an international court, and eliminate the aspect of having the ITC decisions overruled by the President — done four times in 2003 to 2005, at a cost of a tremendous number of jobs on the basis of the national interest. And if we have an issue on the national interest, let the nation pay for it, as opposed to the steel industry or the United Steel Workers.

And the second part of the question, related, is when China got into the World Trade Organization, a matter that 15 of us in this body opposed, there were bilateral treaties. And China has not lived up to its obligations to have its markets open to us, but take our markets and take our jobs. Would you support an effort to revise, perhaps even revoke, those — that bilateral treaty, which gives China such an unfair trade advantage? Thank you.

THE PRESIDENT: Arlen, I would not be in favor of revoking the trade relationships that we’ve established with China. I have shown myself during the course of this year more than willing to enforce our trade agreements in a much more serious way. And at times I’ve been criticized for it. There was a case involving foreign tires that were being sent in here, and I said this was an example of where we’ve got to put our foot down and show that we’re serious about enforcement. And it caused the usual fuss at the international level, but it was the right thing to do.

Having said that, I also believe that our future is going to be tied up with our ability to sell products all around the world, and China is going to be one of our biggest markets, and Asia is going to be one of our biggest markets. And for us to close ourselves off from that market would be a mistake.

The point you’re making, Arlen, which is the right one, is it’s got to be reciprocal. So if we have established agreements in which both sides are supposed to open up their markets, we do so and then the other side is imposing a whole set of non-tariff barriers in place, that’s a problem. And it has to be squarely confronted.

So the approach that we’re taking is to try to get much tougher about enforcement of existing rules, putting constant pressure on China and other countries to open up their markets in reciprocal ways.

One of the challenges that we’ve got to address internationally is currency rates and how they match up to make sure that our goods are not artificially inflated in price and their goods are artificially deflated in price. That puts us at a huge competitive disadvantage.

But what I don’t want to do is for us as a country, or as a party, to shy away from the prospects of international competition, because I think we’ve got the best workers on Earth, we’ve got the most innovative products on Earth, and if we are able to compete on an even playing field, nobody can beat us. And by the way, that will create jobs here in the United States.

If we just increased our exports to Asia by a percentage point, by a fraction, it would mean hundreds of thousands, maybe millions of jobs here in the United States. And it’s easily doable.

And that’s why we are going to be putting a much bigger emphasis on export promotion over the next several years. And that includes, by the way, export promotion not just for large companies but also for medium-size and small companies, because one of the challenges — I was up in New Hampshire yesterday, and you saw this terrific new company that had just been started up — it’s only got 13, 14 employees at this point. But it has a new manufacturing technique for the component parts in LED light bulbs, potentially could lower the price of LED light bulbs, cut them in half.

And these folks, they potentially could market not just here in the United States, but this is a technology that could end up being sent all around the world. But they don’t have the money to set up their own foreign office in Beijing to navigate through the bureaucracy. They’ve got to have some help being over there. And so that’s one of the things that we really want to focus on in this coming year, is making sure that our export-import banks, our trade offices, that we are assisting not just the big guys, although we do want to help them, but also the medium-sized and small businesses that have innovative products that could be marketed if they just got a little bit of help and a little bit of push from the United States government.

SENATOR REID: Sir, Michael Bennet, Colorado.

SENATOR BENNET: Thanks for coming, Mr. President. It’s good to see you. You talked in the State of the Union very well about a number of the challenges that we face as a country, which are serious. I mean, even before we were driven into the worst recession since the Great Depression, the last period of economic growth in this country’s history, was the first time middle-class family income actually fell during a period of economic growth; no net jobs created since 1998; household wealth the same at the end of the decade as it was at the beginning; and an education system that’s not working well enough for our kids. And on top of everything else, got a $1.4 trillion deficit and $12 trillion of debt.

I was saying that the other day, by the way, in Colorado, and I was talking about how our kids were going to have to pay this back if we didn’t make this decision that we’ve got to face up to. And my daughter, Caroline, who’s 10, was there, and she walked out with me at the end and she said, “Just so you know, I’m not paying that back.” (Laughter.) So she has the right attitude, I think.

THE PRESIDENT: But just in case you’re counting on it. (Laughter.)

SENATOR BENNET: At the same time, this place looks broken to the American people. Our ability to make these decisions is open to enormous question in the wake of the health care discussion, in particular. I had a woman the other day in Glenwood Springs, Colorado, ask me where she could get her lobbyist in Washington, D.C.

What are we going to do differently? What are you going to do differently? What do we need to do differently as Democrats and Republicans to fix this institution so that our democracy can actually withstand the test that we’re facing right now?

THE PRESIDENT: Well, let me just make a couple observations, having served in the Senate and now seeing it from the perspective of the White House.

First of all, whenever people ask me, why isn’t Washington working — I am a fierce defender of the integrity and hard work of individual members, which is, by the way, matched up by –when you look at polls, people hate Congress, but individual members a lot of them feel are really working hard on their behalf.

So the problem here you’ve got is an institution that increasingly is not adapted to the demands of a hugely competitive 21st century economy. I think the Senate in particular, the challenge that I gave to Republicans and I will continue to issue to Republicans is if you want to govern then you can’t just say no. It can’t just be about scoring points. There are multiple examples during the course of this year in which that’s been the case.

Look, I mentioned the filibuster record. We’ve had scores of pieces of legislation in which there was a filibuster, cloture had to be invoked, and then ended up passing 90 to 10, or 80 to 15. And what that indicates is a degree to which we’re just trying to gum up the works instead of getting business done.

That is an institutional problem. In the Senate, the filibuster only works if there is a genuine spirit of compromise and trying to solve problems, as opposed to just shutting the place down. If it’s just shutting the place down, then it’s not going to work. That’s point number one.

Point number two. In terms of what — how we operate, we as Democrats, I do think that the more open we are, the more transparent we are, the more people know exactly how things are working even if sometimes it takes longer to maintain that transparency, the better off we are.

And I think the health care bill is a perfect example. And the truth of the matter is, is that the process looked painful and messy, but the innumerable hearings that were held did give an opportunity for the product to get refined so that I think that the ultimate package, after potential negotiations between the House and the Senate, is better than where we started. And there was a possibility and continues to be a possibility to be in discussions with the American people about what exactly that bill accomplishes.

On the other hand — and I take some fault for this — at the end of the process when we were fighting through all these filibusters and trying to get it done quickly so that we could pivot and start talking about other issues that were so important to the American people, some of that transparency got lost. And I think we paid a price for it.

And so it’s important, I think, to constantly have our cards out on the table and welcome challenges and welcome questions. If the Republicans say that they can insure every American for free, which it what was claimed the other day, at no cost, I want to know. Because I told them, I said, why would I want to get a bunch of lumps on my head doing the hard thing if you’ve got the easy thing? But you’ve got to show me, you’ve got to prove to me that it actually works — because I’ve talked to every health care expert out there and it turns out if you want to reform the insurance system, if you want to make sure that people without preexisting conditions are able to get insurance, if you want to provide coverage for people, if you want to bend the cost curve, then you need a comprehensive bill, because this is a complicated area involving one-sixth of our economy.

But we should be open to that dialogue, and not underestimate the power of the American people, over time — despite millions of dollars of advertising to the contrary from the insurance industry and others — we should not underestimate the American people’s willingness to say, okay, I got it. And there are still going to be disagreements, and some will disagree with us. But we’ve got to constantly make our case, I think, and not play an insider’s game. Play an outsider’s game.

Last point I would make about this. You know what I think would actually make a difference, Michael — I think if everybody here — excuse all the members of the press who are here — if everybody here turned off your CNN, your Fox, your — just turn off the TV — MSNBC, blogs — and just go talk to folks out there, instead of being in this echo chamber where the topic is constantly politics — the topic is politics. It is much more difficult to get a conversation focused on how are we going to help people than a conversation about how is this going to help or hurt somebody politically.

And that’s part of what the American people are just sick of — because they don’t care, frankly, about majority and minorities and process and this and that. They just want to know, are you delivering for me? And we’ve got to, I think, get out of the echo chamber. That was a mistake that I think I made last year, was just not getting out of here enough. And it’s helpful when you do. (Applause.)

SENATOR REID: Mr. President, you’ve told me — suggested don’t pay any attention to the blogs, don’t listen to talk radio, don’t watch cable TV. And I follow that advice pretty good. (Laughter.)

Next question will be from the chair of our Agriculture Committee, the Senator from Arkansas, Blanche Lincoln.

SENATOR LINCOLN: Me, neither, Mr. President. I stay away from the TVs and everything else. But thank you so much for being here with us today. And I want to thank you also — I had an opportunity with several of my colleagues from the House and Senate to have a bipartisan meeting yesterday with the First Lady on childhood obesity. It was a great meeting and we look forward to working with her and you and your administration to really tackle that problem on behalf of our children and the future of our country.

Mr. President, I come from a seventh-generation Arkansas family. My dad was a good Democrat, and he was a great Arkansan, and he was very typical of Arkansans in that he was very independent-minded, as am I, and as most of my constituents. And he used to tell me early on when I ran for Congress, he said it’s really results that count. And as I look at what’s going on in my state and among my constituents — I visited with a constituent yesterday, good Democrat, small business owner, who was extremely frustrated — extremely frustrated because there was a lack of certainty and predictability from his government for him to be able to run his businesses. He’s — he and his father have worked hard, they’ve built three or four different small businesses, and he fears that there’s no one in your administration that understands what it means to go to work on Monday and have to make a payroll on Friday. He wants results. He wants predictability.

And I think that you’re exactly right. People out there watching us, they see us nothing more than Democrats and Republicans up here fighting, fighting only to win a few political points, not to get the problem solved. And so I just — I want to echo I guess some of what my colleague, Michael Bennet from Colorado, mentioned, but also to ask you, in terms of where we are going, what can we tell the people in terms of predictability and certainty in getting this economy back on track? How are we going to do that?

And are we willing as Democrats not only to reach out to Republicans but to push back in our own party for people who want extremes, and look for the common ground that’s going to get us the success that we need not only for our constituents but for our country in this global community, in this global economy? Are we willing as Democrats to also push back on our own party and look for that common ground that we need to work with Republicans and to get the answers? And it’s really the results that are going to count to our constituents. And we appreciate the hard work that you put into it.

THE PRESIDENT: Well, the — look, there’s no doubt that this past year has been an uncertain time for the American people, for businesses and for people employed by businesses. Some of that certainty just had to do with the objective reality of this economy entering into a freefall. So let’s just be — let’s remind ourselves that if you’ve got an economy suddenly contracting by 6 percent, or a loss of trillions of dollars of wealth basically in the blink of an eye, or home values descending by 20 percent, that that’s going to create a whole lot of uncertainty out there in the business environment and among families.

And part of what we’ve done over the course of this year is to put a floor under people’s feet. That’s what the Recovery Act did. That’s what the interventions and the financial markets did. It broke the back of the recession, stabilized the markets. Nobody is talking about a market meltdown at this point. And people haven’t recovered all that they had lost in their 401(k)s, but they’re feeling a little better when they open that envelope now than they did six months ago. State budgets were in freefall; that was stabilized. States are still going through incredible pain, but they did not have to lay off teachers and firefighters and cops at the levels that they would have to otherwise lay them off. That provided some stability and some certainty.

So the steps you’ve taken as a Congress, the steps we’ve taken as an administration, have helped to stabilize things.

Now, moving forward, Blanche, what you’re going to hear from some folks is that the way to achieve even greater economic growth — and keep in mind the economy is now growing at a 6 percent clip, so the question is when do businesses actually start hiring, because they’re now making a profit — what you’re going to start hearing is the only way to provide stability is to go back and do what we’d been doing before the crisis.

So I noticed yesterday when we were — there was some hearing about our proposal to provide additional financing to small businesses and tax credits to small businesses. Some of our friends on the other side of the aisle said, “This won’t help at all. What you have to do is to make sure that we continue the tax breaks for wealthiest Americans. That’s really what’s going to make a difference.”

Well, if the agenda — if the price of certainty is essentially for us to adopt the exact same proposals that were in place for eight years leading up to the biggest economic crisis since the Great Depression — we don’t tinker with health care, let the insurance companies do what they want, we don’t put in place any insurance reforms, we don’t mess with the banks, let them keep on doing what they’re doing now because we don’t want to stir up Wall Street — the result is going to be the same.

I don’t know why we would expect a different outcome pursuing the exact same policies that got us into this fix in the first place. Michael Bennet articulated it very well. Part of the reason people are feeling anxious right now, it’s not just because of this current crisis — they’ve been going through this for 10 years. They’ve been working and not seeing a raise. Their costs have been going up, their spouses going to the workforce — they work as hard as they can. They’re barely keeping their heads above water. They’re trying to figure out how to retire. They’re seeing more and more of their costs on health care dumped in their lap. College tuition skyrockets.

They are more and more vulnerable, and they have been for the last decade, treading water. And if our response ends up being, because we don’t want to — we don’t want to stir things up here, we’re just going to do the same thing that was being done before, then I don’t know what differentiates us from the other guys. And I don’t know why people would say, boy, we really want to make sure that those Democrats are in Washington fighting for us.

So the point I’m making — and Blanche is exactly right — we’ve got to be non-ideological about our approach to these things. We’ve got to make sure that our party understands that, like it or not, we have to have a financial system that is healthy and functioning, so we can’t be demonizing every bank out there. We’ve got to be the party of business, small business and large business, because they produce jobs. We’ve got to be in favor of competition and exports and trade. We don’t want to be looking backwards. We can’t just go back to the New Deal and try to grab all the same policies of the 1930s and think somehow they’d work in the 21st century.

So Blanche is exactly right that sometimes we get ideologically bogged down. I just want to find out what works, and I know you do, too, and I know the people in Arkansas do, too. But when you’re talking to the folks in Arkansas you also have to remind them what works is not just going back and doing the same things that we were doing before. And, yes, there’s going to be some transition time. If we have a serious financial regulatory reform package, will the banks squawk? Yes. Will they say this is the reason we’re not lending? Yes. The problem is we know right now they’re not lending, and paying out big bonuses. And we know that the existing regulatory system doesn’t work.

So we shouldn’t be spooked by this notion that, well, is now the time to take seriously in an intelligent way, not in a knee-jerk way, the challenge of financial regulatory reform so that you don’t have banks that are too big to fail and you’re not putting taxpayers at risk and you’re not putting the economy at risk — now is the time to do it.

The same is true with health care. The same is true with health care. There are, I promise you, at least as many small businesses out there, if you talk to them, who will say, I just got my bill from my health insurance and it went up 40 percent. And we’ve got to do something for them. All right? (Applause.)

SENATOR REID: Next question, the junior Senator from the state of New York, Kirsten Gillibrand.

SENATOR GILLIBRAND: Mr. President, I have an issue I’d like to –

THE PRESIDENT: Kirsten, we’ve got a mic for you.

SENATOR GILLIBRAND: Thank you, Mr. President. I have an issue I’d like to raise that is very important to every New Yorker and to many, many Americans, and that’s health care for our 9/11 responders and for all the communities that live near Ground Zero.

Now, these Americans hail from every one of the 50 states and every single congressional district in the entire United States. And now, because of exposure to toxins from the collapse of the World Trade Center Towers, there’s about 20,000 people who are sick — some of them gravely ill, suffering from serious health effects, some are disabled, some have died.

I’ve introduced legislation to provide permanent care and proper compensation for these Americans. And my question is: Would you today commit to working with Congress to pass comprehensive 9/11 — a comprehensive 9/11 health bill that’s fully paid for?

THE PRESIDENT: Well, I fully commit to working with you guys. Keep in mind that our budget already significantly increased funding precisely for this purpose. So I’m not just talking the talk; we’ve been budgeting this as a top priority for the administration.

I confess, Kirsten, I have not looked at all the details of your legislation. But I know that not only you and Chuck, but everybody here, wants to make sure that those who showed such extraordinary courage and heroism during 9/11, that they are fittingly cared for, and that’s going to be something that we are going to be very interested in working with you on. All right?

SENATOR GILLIBRAND: Thank you, Mr. President.

THE PRESIDENT: Good. (Applause.)

SENATOR REID: The next question is the Chairperson of the Environmental Public Works Committee, Senator Barbara Boxer.

THE PRESIDENT: Hey, Barbara Boxer.

SENATOR BOXER: Great to see you here, Mr. President. And thanks for doing this and thanks for meeting with the Republican caucus at the House. I thought it was very instructive for the American people.

As Senator Feinstein and I tell our colleagues every day, California is hurting. I think — I know — that you’re aware of that. And they really want to see a fighting spirit in us — that we are committed, even though we’ve had some political setbacks, to get the job done. And I just want to tell you, as I watched you during the State of the Union, listened to you, what you are doing now is really important to the folks that I represent, because you’re showing that fighting spirit no matter what the adversity is, and you’re coming up with specific proposals.

So I want to ask you about small business. We all know they’re the job creators; 64 percent of new jobs over the last 15 years came from small business. Your new proposal, which does mirror a couple of people — I look at Senator Merkley, I know Senator Warner and others, we’ve worked hard on this.

For community banks to lend, can you do that by executive order? Because my understanding is you can use some of the TARP funds that were paid back and use that — or those funds that have not been used — can you use that and get this going by executive order, or do you need us to put that program into a jobs bill?

And second, are you using your influence as much as you can to get the big banks to lend? They’ve dropped lending by $12 billion over the last year, so I wonder if you can give us an update on that.

THE PRESIDENT: First of all, I’ve now taken trips to Allentown, Pennsylvania; Elyria, Ohio; most recently –

SENATOR REID: Baltimore.

THE PRESIDENT: I was in Baltimore. (Laughter.) Had a great time in Baltimore. Just recently in –

SENATOR REID: Searchlight.

THE PRESIDENT: — Nashua, New Hampshire. Haven’t been to Searchlight yet, but we’re going to get there. (Laughter.) And everywhere I go, you talk to small business and they will tell you they are still experiencing a severe credit crunch. The larger businesses right now are able to get financing. Even the medium-size businesses, the credit markets have improved. Smaller businesses, even if they are making a profit and have not missed a payment, are finding that banks are averse to providing them capital.

Now, two reasons that they cite: One is they say their bankers are telling them that the regulators are just looking over their shoulder too much and so the community banks feel that their hands are tied. These are independent regulators. They are diligent in doing their jobs. Obviously they feel caught off guard because of the lax regulation, in some cases, of the banking industry before the financial crisis. You get a sense that the pendulum has swung too far in the other direction.

The challenge that we’ve got is we’ve got to be careful because these are independent regulators and we don’t want to politicize them. But what Treasury Secretary Geithner and others have done is to discuss with the regulators what we are hearing in the field and to make sure that there is a consistency of approach that doesn’t prevent banks from making what are good loans and taking reasonable risks.

So that’s one thing we’re hearing. The other thing, though, that is still out there is that the larger banks generally haven’t been in this market; a lot of the smaller companies never had access to them in the first place, and we want to actually see if we can get more of those large banks to get into this marketplace. And when I met with the big bank CEOs, this was something that I pushed them on. They tell me, and we have seen some confirmation of this, that they are actually ramping up some of their small business lending and setting up more aggressive divisions actively seeking out loans.

So that’s the effort that we’re making to jawbone the private sector to do what it needs to do. In the meantime — you mentioned the specific proposals that we’ve put forward — I do think it’s better to do them through legislation than through executive order. TARP was a congressionally created structure with some fairly stringent guidelines in terms of how we were supposed to approach it. It shouldn’t be hard to do, though. It’s a pretty simple concept. Banks have repaid money; there’s $30 billion that we could take that has already been repaid — immediately apply that to a fund so that small banks are — community banks are able to provide their small business customers with greater lending.

And I do think that getting that as part of a jobs package is priority number one. And I know I’ve already talked to Harry about this — my assumption is, is that if you combine that with the tax credits that we’ve put in place for hiring, the provisions that we talked about to incentivize weatherization programs that can immediately start hiring people to retrofit homes and businesses and help reduce our energy costs — taking some of those immediate steps now I think will pay some big dividends down the road.

And the timing of it is perfect, because our job last year was to make sure the economy was growing. The economy is now growing. But what’s happening is businesses, either because they can’t find financing or because they’re still just dipping their toe in the water, have been hesitant to hire full-time workers. And for us to start giving them some serious incentives, giving them additional access to financing, could accelerate a process that otherwise could take a much longer time and, frankly, all those folks out there who are out of work right now, they just can’t afford to wait any longer — they need it now. All right?

SENATOR REID: We have time for one or two more questions, if the question is short –

THE PRESIDENT: And the answer is short. (Laughter.)

SENATOR REID: Otherwise we’ll only have one question. The Chairman of the Judiciary Committee, Pat Leahy.

SENATOR LEAHY: Mr. President, I want to thank you for coming here. I think this is — thank you for coming here. I was just whispering to Marcel these answers are so good and need to be heard.

You have a great sense of what the federal judiciary should be. I think back to President Clinton’s time, when the other side blocked 61 of his judges. You’ve had some superb judges. You’ve talked to both Republicans and Democrats, sent up some superb names. And Senator Reid still has to file a cloture. We have to spend a week of doing that, and then they pass by 100 to nothing or 90-10.

My thing is this — because of what they did last time, we end up with the greatest shortage and the most judicial crises I think in our history. Will you continue to work very hard to get up names as quickly as possible, so that we can do this, and help us get these judges through? I don’t want the same judicial crises to occur. You’ve had good nominees. Can you commit to work with us, both parties, and keep trying to get them through?

THE PRESIDENT: Well, this is going to be a priority. Look, it’s not just judges, unfortunately, Pat, it’s also all our federal appointees. We’ve got a huge backlog of folks who are unanimously viewed as well qualified, nobody has a specific objection to them, but end up having a hold on them because of some completely unrelated piece of business. That’s an example, Michael, of the kind of stuff that Americans just don’t understand.

On the judges front, we had a judge for the — coming out of Indiana, Judge Hamilton, who everybody said was outstanding — Evan Bayh, Democrat; Dick Lugar, Republican; all recommended. How long did it take us? Six months, six, seven months for somebody who was supported by the Democratic and Republican senator from that state. And you can multiply that across the board. So we have to start highlighting the fact that this is not how we should be doing business.

Now, in fairness — in fairness, when we were in the minority, there were some times where we blocked judges, we blocked appointees. I think it’s fair to say we were a little more selective in how we did it — “a lot more,” somebody said. (Laughter.)

So this is an example of where I’m going to reach out to Mitch McConnell; I know Harry has as well. And I’m just going to say, look, if the government is going to work for the American people, I can’t have the administrator for GSA, which runs every federal facility, all federal buildings all across the country — here we are, we’re trying to save billions of dollars, cut waste — Claire McCaskill has been all on top of how can we audit our spending — and we could save billions of dollars in ending old leases that don’t work or renegotiating them or consolidating buildings and efficiencies. But I don’t have a GSA administrator, even though I nominated somebody who was well qualified several months ago, and nobody can tell me that there’s anything particularly wrong with her. They’re blocking her because of some unrelated matter. I don’t know, you guys may know better than I do. And that is — that has to end. It has to end. (Applause.) And the American people want it to end.

Let’s have a fight about real stuff. Don’t hold this woman hostage. If you have an objection about my health care policies, then let’s debate the health care policies. But don’t suddenly end up having a GSA administrator who is stuck in limbo somewhere because you don’t like something else that we’re doing, because that doesn’t serve the American people. Then they don’t know what the argument is about. Then it’s just sort of a plague on both your houses because it looks like you guys are just fighting all the time. And we’ve got to put an end to that.

SENATOR REID: I missed somebody on my list. If you would just be patient with us, we’ll have two very short questions.

THE PRESIDENT: I will indulge, Harry.

SENATOR REID: The first question is going to come from the only person that’s a member of the United States Senate who has a spouse that’s won a Pulitzer Prize — Sherrod Brown from Ohio. (Laughter.)

SENATOR BROWN: Thank you for joining us. Thank you for your visit to Lorain County, Ohio, a week and a half ago; first presidential visit to that county of 300,000 since Harry Truman in 1948.

THE PRESIDENT: It was a great visit. We had a great time.

SENATOR BROWN: It was terrific. Ten miles from there, Oberlin College, one of the great private institutions of higher learning in this country — at Oberlin College, there was a building built there seven or eight years ago, fully powered by solar panels. It’s the only — it’s the largest building on any college campus in America like that. Those solar panels were bought in Germany and Japan, not surprisingly — Germany, a country that has both an energy policy and a manufacturing policy. Seventy-five miles west of there is Toledo, Ohio, where you’ve been several times, and Toledo has more solar energy manufacturing — solar manufacturing jobs than any city in America.

It begs the question of two things in terms of manufacturing policy and energy policy. We have all kinds of things in so many of our states — manufacturing wind turbine components and solar panel components — but we’re the only major industrial country in the world without a manufacturing policy. And every rich country in the world has one. We don’t.

I know what you’re doing with Ron Bloom in the White House and other things, but how do we get there? How do we — when we read these articles in the paper that China is just exploding in terms of wind turbine manufacturing and solar panel manufacturing — how do we rebuild our manufacturing sector with a manufacturing policy, combined with an energy policy that gets us there?

THE PRESIDENT: I hope people had a chance to read that article that was in The New York Times I guess last Sunday, talking about how China is not waiting, it is moving. And already the anticipation is, is that they will lap us when it comes to clean energy.

Now, they’re not a democracy and so they don’t debate. (Laughter.) And there are no filibuster rules. And so obviously over the long term a system that allows for robust debate and exchange of ideas is going to produce a better result. I believe that. But we have to understand that when it comes to some key issues like energy, we are at risk of falling behind.

We’ve already fallen behind, but it’s not irrevocable because we still have the best research, we still have potentially the best technology, we’ve got the best universities, the best scientists, and as I said, we’ve got the most productive workers in the world. But we’ve got to bring all those things together into a coherent whole.

Now, I think there are a couple of elements to this. One, in terms of manufacturing generally — you just mentioned Ron Bloom, who we put in charge of a manufacturing task force, is just issuing now a report to me about the direction we need to go to have some coordination when it comes to manufacturing.

Now, this is not some big bureaucratic top-down industrial policy; it is figuring out how do we coordinate businesses, universities, government, to start looking at where are our strategic opportunities, and then making those investments, filling holes that exist so that we can be competitive with what China is doing or what Germany is doing or what Spain is doing.

And my hope is, is that during the course of this year we’re going to be able to work with all 50 senators, because all of you have a stake in this, to just see where are our manufacturing opportunities and where can we fill — plug some holes in order to make sure that we’re competitive internationally.

Specifically on clean energy, we know that’s an opportunity. I continue to believe, and I’m not alone in this, that the country that figures out most rapidly new forms of energy and can commercialize new ideas is going to lead the 21st century economy. I think that is our growth model. (Applause.)

SENATOR REID: Final question –

THE PRESIDENT: But — hold on, just one last thing I want to say about this: In order for us to maximize it, part of it is the good work that Jeff has been doing in terms of just finding the right incentives. We’ve got to be open-minded about a whole range of technologies. We’ve got to look at clean coal technology. We’ve got to look at nuclear technology.

We’re going to be making some significant announcements this year. This is an example, Blanche, of where we can’t be stuck in the past in terms of how we see these things. We’re not going to be able to ramp up solar and wind to suddenly replace every other energy source anytime soon, and the economy still needs to grow. So we’ve got to look at how to make existing technologies and options better.

But — and this is just the point that I wanted to make because it came up in New Hampshire yesterday — we still — one of the best ways to be on the forefront in energy is to incentivize clean energy, and discourage the old sources or methods that aren’t going to work in the future.

And so the fact that Joe Lieberman is working with Lindsey Graham, John Kerry has been all over this — the three of them are coming together to try to find a workable, bipartisan structure so that we are incentivizing and rewarding the future — and understanding that there’s a transition, so that we’ve got to make sure that the disruptions are minimized as we move into this new energy future — that’s going to be vital.

So don’t give up on that. I don’t want us to just say the easy way out is for us to just give a bunch of tax credits to clean energy companies. The market works best when it responds to price. And if they start seeing that, you know what, dirty energy is a little pricier, clean energy is a little cheaper, they will innovate, and they will think things through in all kinds of innovative ways.

So I want to congratulate specifically John Kerry, Joe Lieberman, and Lindsey Graham, who it probably doesn’t help him for me to compliment him — (laughter) — but has been very thoughtful in terms of how they’re approaching this issue.

SENATOR REID: Final question, Evan Bayh, Indiana.

SENATOR BAYH: Thank you for being with us, Mr. President.

THE PRESIDENT: We can get you a mic. Nice sneakers, by the way, Evan. (Laughter.)

SENATOR BAYH: Oh, thank you. You’ve got to stay light on your feet around here, right? (Laughter.) Mr. President, you’ve already addressed this in part, and several of the other questioners have raised this, but I’d like to present it in a little bit different way that I think is on the minds of people in my state, and perhaps in the minds of independents and moderate Republicans and conservative Democrats around the country — and that’s this issue of the deficit and rising debt, and restoring the fiscal health of this country to a position where it ought to be.

Frankly, I think the public and average citizen have been way ahead of the political class on this. They understand in the long run this is unsustainable, it’s bad economics. They understand that generally — generationally, as Michael was mentioning, it’s unfair to our children to ask them to pay these bills. And most of all, there’s a sense of unfairness. They’re having to make sacrifices in their daily lives, but too many in Washington expect to have continuing increases in the programs they care about; ordinary citizens are making sacrifices, and yet we want our earmarks or pet projects. And they ask, why can’t Washington make the same sacrifices that we’re willing to make?

Now, I think they realize that the other party doesn’t have much credibility on this subject. They handed you a — what, a $1.3 trillion deficit. Vice President Cheney famously said that in his opinion deficits didn’t matter. He just flat out said it. That’s wrong. It’s bad economics. It’s wrong. And so we’ve got a job to do. But I think many people across the country candidly look at us and say, I don’t know if the Democrats are willing to take this on. They think we want to tax too much and spend too much, and do we have the backbone to really stand up and make some of these hard decisions?

Now, to your credit, you’ve called for some things that aren’t always popular in our party. The first thing I noticed when you put into effect that non-security discretionary spending freeze is you got kicked in the shins by some of the left-wing blogs. And you called for more restraint on earmarks. That’s not always popular among our group, but to your credit, you’ve called for those things.

So my question to you, Mr. President, is speaking to independents, conservative Democrats, moderate Republicans — people who know we have to do this — why should the Democratic Party be trusted? And are we willing to make some of the tough decisions to actually head this country in a better direction?

THE PRESIDENT: Well, I’ll tell you why the Democratic Party should be trusted — because the last time this budget was balanced, it was under a Democratic President who made some very tough decisions. (Applause.)

I think this is pretty straightforward. Bill Clinton made some very hard political decisions. Some of you were there in Congress. You know how tough those votes were. You got no help from the other side. But as a consequence, the economy took off and you had a $200 billion surplus at the end of his presidency. So I think he deserves enormous credit for that. Those of you who took those votes deserve enormous credit for that. That’s why we’ve had — we should have credibility.

But we’re still haunted by the debates that took place from the ’70s, the ’60s, right? And that hasn’t completely worked through the political mindset. So we’re still saddled with this notion of the tax-and-spend model when, if you actually look at it, we’ve been very fiscally responsible.

Now, having said that, we have been complicit in some ways over the last decade. The prescription drug bill — not paid for. Two wars — not paid for. Two tax cuts — not paid for. The emergence of a structural deficit that is only going to grow because we all know that the biggest drivers are Medicare and Medicaid, and as people get older, as the population gets older, and as new technologies come online, people are demanding new services for health care, those are going to become more and more expensive, and that’s what’s going to blow up the budget in the long term.

So to answer your question, how do we — having said that, there’s no doubt that we’ve lost trust. And part of it was just bad timing. It’s like the cartoon, right, you’re sort of standing there and somebody hands you a ticking time bomb and it explodes, and you’ve got all this gunpowder on your hands, and you didn’t construct the bomb, but you’re holding it.

And so what happened last year was, we come in. You got a $1.3 trillion deficit that we’re inheriting; you’ve got $3 trillion revenue that are lost because of the recession; you’ve got an $8 trillion projected debt over the next 10 years; and you’ve got trillions more in projected deficits when you start looking — counting entitlements. Everybody has been looking at Kent Conrad’s charts here for the last several years about it. And so at that very moment, suddenly the headlines that people are seeing is, “bank bailout, recovery package,” and it all kind of merges together into just this blob of spending, and people aren’t seeing, how is this benefiting me. It just looks like Washington business as usual. And all that suspicion gets amplified. So it’s completely understandable.

I think the way that we regain trust is to pursue good policies but not be afraid also to explain these policies, and to be honest with the American people that we’re not going to dig ourselves out of this hole overnight.

So a couple of things I’ve done. I have encouraged that we go back to PAYGO, pay-as-you-go. People understand that concept: You pay as you go. I congratulate the Senate on voting for it. I expect the House to get it done. I want to sign that.

SENATOR REID: Not a single Republican.

THE PRESIDENT: The second thing you already mentioned is this non-defense discretionary freeze. One thing I want to mention, though. It’s not as if we’re not going after defense, as well. It’s just it would be irresponsible when we have two wars for me to impose that same kind of limitation, tie my hands not knowing what contingencies may be needed. But if you look at what Bob Gates has been doing in the Defense Department in really going after some sacred cows over at the Pentagon, he’s been serious about it. We’ve already saved billions of dollars. We intend to keep saving billions of dollars more on that front, as well.

We’ve already proposed $20 billion worth of savings for this year by eliminating and consolidating programs. Last year we proposed $17 billion and we were pooh-poohed. Some of the editorials were all, “Uh-huh, 17, this is a pittance.” You know, only in Washington is $17 billion a pittance. But it also indicates one of the dangers that we have, is that you’ve got to chip away at this problem. So every dollar counts. The work that Claire has done on auditing — if we can squeeze out $5 million here, $10 million here, make this program work a little bit better, over time it creates good habits, and it starts exercising the fiscal restraint muscles in ways that won’t affect programming for people but will affect our bottom line. So we’re moving aggressively. We hope this year we get that stuff done.

But what we also have to understand is that if I take all the steps that I’ve put forward and Congress follows my lead on the non-defense discretionary spending, we’re prudent in terms of defense spending, and we do all the things that we’ve talked about, we’ve still got this structural deficit that we’ve inherited.

Essentially what my proposal does is to pay for the Recovery Act and the other extraordinary steps we had to take for last year, so that I will have covered what happened on my watch. That’s important to understand. Whatever spending that I had to take that was extraordinary that you took with me, including the Recovery Act, if we follow my budget outline, we will have taken care of, paid for what happened on our watch.

But what we will not have solved is that huge structural deficit that existed the day I walked in. And we’ve got to be able to tell the truth to the American people that that is hard to solve. And the reason it’s hard to solve is most of it is coming from entitlements that people like. And it has to do with the fact that there’s this huge gap between the amount of money being paid out and the amount of money coming in.

And everybody understands this here, but I think that there’s a misperception in the public. If you ask your average constituent where does federal dollars go, they’ll tell you foreign aid. And you say, well, foreign aid accounts for 1 percent of our budget. And then they’ll say, well, earmarks.

Look, I think we have to discipline ourselves on earmarks just because symbolically I think people — it makes people feel like we’re not showing the same kind of discipline that they are. Even for worthy projects you’ve still got to make choices. So they’re absolutely right about that. But earmarks account for about 1 percent of the budget.

All right, so even if we eliminated all foreign aid and all earmarks, it doesn’t solve our problem. And as far as the arguments that our colleagues on the other side of the aisle are making, I think it’s important to explain to people that in order for us to balance the budget while exempting entitlements, no new revenues, you’d have to cut non-discretionary defense spending by 60 percent — cut it by 60 percent. That’s everything — student loans, NASA, veterans programs — you name it, we’d have to cut by 60 percent — six, zero.

That’s just not going to happen. That’s why we called for the commission, because we’ve got to look at some tough, long-term policy objectives. And that’s why we’ve got to — and I will personally do this, I will say to my Republican friends, I want to solve it. I don’t want to play politics on it, but you’ve got to step up, you’ve got to fill these slots with this commission that we’re going to set up, put these people in a room, and actually solve some of these problems. And I hope they do.

And maybe I’m naive. I’m still counting, Evan, on the notion that good policy over the long term is good politics. If you do the right thing, and you explain it clearly and you do it openly, I’m confident that the American people — you can have an adult conversation and say, this is not going to be easy, this is not going to be painless, we’re going to be struggling for a while, but our future is bright. And if we show the same grit and determination that previous generations have shown, I have every confidence that we are going to have a 21st century, the American century, just like the 20th.

All right? Thank you, everybody. God bless you. (Applause.)

END 11:25 A.M. EST

Here is the complete transcript and video of press conference with White House Deputy Press Secretary Bill Burton on Feb. 3, 2010. Transcript provided by the White House and downloaded from WhiteHouse.gov on Feb. 4, 2010 at 11:10 a.m. Eastern.

1:23 P.M. EST

MR. BURTON: Good afternoon. Thank you all for coming.

Q It’s not too late — oh, yes, it is. (Laughter.)

MR. BURTON: So I just want to make one quick announcement before we get started –

Q There’s been a coup. (Laughter.)

MR. BURTON: Let’s everybody calm down for a second. (Laughter.)

Q We like the tie.

MR. BURTON: Tomorrow Secretary Locke will be giving a speech on a new major export initiative. The President laid out a goal for increasing exports, doubling exports in five years, and this initiative will lay out the path to get there.

He has spoken to the winners in the Illinois primary. And with that, Julie, I’d be happy to take your questions.

Q Thank you. The President said this morning that he would be open to compromise on health care. What are the areas specifically that he’d be willing to compromise on?

MR. BURTON: Well, as the President has said before, he has very specific principles that he’s laid out. He feels like we’ve gone a very far way in both the House and in the Senate. We’ve made more progress than any administration in history when it comes to health care. But he’s not a legislative technician. He’s not going to get into the nitty-gritty of what the best way forward is at this point. He’s hoping that legislators on Capitol Hill will work to iron out their differences.

Q But even he said that he wasn’t specific enough in the initial negotiations on health care. So will he be getting more specific?

MR. BURTON: Well, the President, as you know, has been very active in these negotiations, in the sense that he’s making sure that folks in the Senate, folks in the House, have a clear sense of where the President wants to go. But in terms of actually writing the legislation and getting down to the line-by-line of what the best way to reach the final agreement is, he doesn’t consider that to be his role.

Q And then on AIG, last year when the bonuses were handed out Secretary Geithner said that he wasn’t aware at that point of the extent of them, but going forward there would be more flexibility in negotiating these bonuses. Was he aware, was the administration aware of these bonuses that were just handed out? And was there any negotiation that went on into the amounts and to the extent of them?

MR. BURTON: Well, news about these bonuses is not new. What is new is that AIG got some of their employees to voluntarily give back $20 million of those bonuses. Obviously the President is frustrated and angry that Wall Street continues to have the sense that excessive compensation should reward some of the excessive risk-taking that we’ve seen over the course of the last couple of years of Wall Street, things that brought us to the brink. That’s why he hasn’t stopped fighting to make sure that we get the reforms in place in order to get these packages under control — things like say-on-pay, ways that we can do this through financial regulatory reform.

He’s also been serious about making sure that we get taxpayer money back, which is why he instituted the bank fee, to make sure that every single dime that went out from taxpayers comes back to the federal government.

Q But is there frustration, though, that no matter what he says and no matter what he seems to do at this point, these bonuses are still getting handed out?

MR. BURTON: Well, like I said before, the news about these isn’t new, but what is new is that some of that money is not going out. But is he frustrated and angry about the fact that the bonus structure remains the same that it has been? Absolutely. So the President is going to work on those items that I mentioned.

Q A couple questions, one economic, the other foreign. Moody’s, the big bond-writing agency, has issued a report saying that growing U.S. deficits threaten the country’s AAA bond rating; that the President’s budget plan is just a small step in the right direction. And is the administration taking that assessment seriously, of that possible downgrade in the country’s bond rating? And what, if anything, would the President do beyond what he’s already announced to try to address that situation?

MR. BURTON: Well, the President didn’t need Moody’s to tell him that we have a long-term fiscal problem in this country. That’s why his budget lays out ways in which we can cut the deficit in the mid to long term, but in the short term take care of some of the problems that we’ve got in this economic crisis, putting Americans back to work, helping banks get more loans out to small businesses so they can create more jobs, and things like that.

So the President is very concerned about the fiscal state of this country and he’s going to continue to work to make sure that we’re taking on the deficit.

Q But Moody’s specifically says that the President’s plan does not do enough at this time to address that problem. Is the President going to basically ignore that?

MR. BURTON: Well, the President doesn’t necessarily disagree that the plan doesn’t do enough. That’s why he thinks that we need a fiscal commission in place to help get bipartisan support for some of the elements that we need to put in place to bring down the deficit in the long term. We’ve gone a long way towards cutting spending, towards being responsible about how we’re spending taxpayers’ dollars, getting rid of duplicative programs or programs that don’t work. But there’s more that we need to do, and hopefully that fiscal commission will help to do just that.

Q On Iran, Iran said today that they had fired a rocket capable of launching a satellite. What is the administration’s level of concern at whether that technology, that capability could be devoted towards military use, even a nuclear missile program?

MR. BURTON: Obviously we’ve seen those reports and we’re still checking them out to make sure that they’re accurate. A launch like that is obviously a provocative act. But the President believes that it’s not too late for Iran to do the right thing, come to the table with the international community, and live up to its international obligations.

Q Iranian President Ahmadinejad said yesterday that Iran was in fact ready to go ahead with a deal that it had reached earlier but yet reneged on to allow its nuclear fuel to be processed abroad. Does the President see that as a serious offer or overture, and would the U.S. take advantage of that in some way? Or do they see it as being a way of diverting attention or diverting efforts towards a new round of sanctions?

MR. BURTON: Well, some of these reports have been pretty fragmentary in the sense that we haven’t seen the whole transcript and everything that he has said. But if those comments indicate some sort of change in position for Iran, then President Ahmadinejad should let the IAEA know.

Ed.

Q Two topics, first on Toyota, I wanted to ask you about the President’s Transportation Secretary today on the Hill saying that people who have Toyotas should just stop driving them. He’s since said that was a misstatement, but I wonder if you can clarify what is the White House telling the millions of Toyota owners out there across the country to do?

MR. BURTON: Well, for starters, as you know, NHTSA, the Department of Transportation, has been very active in making sure that Americans are kept safe on our roads. They’ve been forward-leaning as it relates to Toyota, making sure that they’re living up to safety standards, including encouraging them on the recall. As relates to people who have Toyotas now, you should go to the experts at the Department of Transportation who know a little more about this issue. But all Americans should really — they should get their cars checked out if they think that they might have –

Q Well, why did the Secretary say stop driving Toyotas?

MR. BURTON: — if they think that they might have a car that’s a part of the recall, then they should go get it checked out. And if it is, they should get it fixed. And if it’s not, then they should keep on doing what they’re doing.

Q But on the question of why did the Secretary say stop driving Toyotas? And is there any procedures in place here at the White House now that — the government owns a large share of GM — about having procedures in place for potential conflicts of interest in terms of commenting on other cars and dealing with these safety recalls could be a sticky issue.

MR. BURTON: For starters, the Secretary made clear what he thinks is the right thing to do, which is what I just said. As for being involved in other car companies, this is obviously something the President never wanted to get involved in, but it, of course, would not have any impact on this administration’s commitment to making sure that Americans are kept safe on our roads.

Q Can I ask you about last night’s — the information that came out from the White House about Abdulmutallab and the interrogations he’s had and what cooperation he has with the government? There was a hearing on the Hill today where various Republicans, including Mac Thornberry, were saying that this was just about political cover and that the White House was trying to leak this information selectively in order to protect the President because he has a political problem right now.

MR. BURTON: Well, I would just say that, before, there was criticism from Republicans that what we were doing wasn’t working. Now that people find out that what we’re doing is working, they’re criticizing the fact that we’re saying that what’s working is working.

Look, nothing came out last night that compromises any of the investigations or any of the interrogations that are currently ongoing. We feel like we pursued the correct course in interrogating Abdulmutallab, and through that course we’ve gotten quite a bit of information that’s been helpful both to the United States and some of our foreign partners in keeping the American people safe.

So there’s no regrets on that. But I will say that it’s Washington, and there’s a lot of politics that gets played. I was just watching an interview that was on cable news before I came out here, and you’ve got folks who are –

Q — watching cable news?

MR. BURTON: I never said that I don’t watch cable news. In fact, it’s part of my job, frankly. I watch the broadcasts, too.

But you’ve got people who are criticizing things that we’re doing in this administration, but never criticize things that happen in the administration prior that are exactly the same. And without anything changing in the interim, the only thing that I can surmise is maybe that there are some politics at play.

Q But it doesn’t seem like you’re — you’re not denying that part of the motive here was to push back on the President’s political critics. And I wonder if by revealing that some of Abdulmutallab’s family members are cooperating with the U.S. government, that could now put their lives in danger because al Qaeda and others are going to say these family members are helping the U.S. government.

MR. BURTON: Well, for starters, I will say that the reason that people were told about the success of these interviews didn’t have anything to do with politics in the sense that the determination was made here at the White House that it was important for the American people to know that we’re doing everything possible to keep the American people safe, and that these interrogations are working, that we’re getting evidence that is actionable, and that we feel like we’ve pursued the right course.

No information that was given out over the course of those briefings compromises that in any way, and we don’t feel that we’ve given any information that will harm our ability to get some more.

Q Just may I follow on this quick?

MR. BURTON: We’re just going to keep moving. Chip.

Q I’m a little confused. If the investigation was not compromised in any way by what came out last night, why didn’t it come out a long time ago? Why wait? I mean, presumably the reason for keeping this stuff secret was because it could harm the investigation. Now it comes out, and you say it didn’t harm the investigation.

MR. BURTON: Well, as you know, because it was said last night, ideally this information would not have necessarily come out.

Q Well, why, if it doesn’t harm the investigation?

MR. BURTON: But in order for the American people to know that we are doing everything possible to keep them safe, and in order for our continued success in this effort, we made the determination that it was a good idea to make sure that people knew that our sources — that our methods here were working.

Q Wouldn’t you want to share with the American people the maximum amount of information possible so long as it doesn’t hurt the investigation?

MR. BURTON: Well, obviously this President has put a premium on transparency and making sure that people know what’s happening in this White House, why he’s making the decisions that he’s making. And I would say that what happened last night falls under the rubric of making sure that people know why he’s making decisions that he’s made and the success of those decisions?

Q Why wasn’t it done a week or two or three before that?

MR. BURTON: Well, I think that you could look — you could pick apart any little piece of this process, but if you go back all the way back to December 25th of last year when this all started, we feel like, day by day, moment by moment, we’ve been successful in getting the information that we needed and telling the American people exactly what’s going on.

Q On the AIG bonuses, is the President completely helpless to do anything about this?

MR. BURTON: No, I wouldn’t say he is helpless. What he’s done is — well, for starters, on the AIG bonuses specifically, there has been success in getting some of those employees to voluntarily not take some of those bonuses to the tune of $20 million, which is no small feat. Secondly, I would say that he thinks that going forward we need to do more things to get these bonuses under control. That’s why he is for and promoting say-on-pay legislation. That’s why he is for getting some of this through financial reform. So, no, I would not say that he is helpless. I would say that he’s doing everything that he can in order to get this under control.

Q But in the past when this has happened, he has come out and voiced his outrage. He is not doing it now. Is he just saying, well, I can’t do anything about it; I’m not going to go out and voice the outrage I’ve voiced before? It’s a marked difference that he is not out there –

MR. BURTON: Well, Chip, I think you should keep in mind that your network and other folks in here have all reported on these bonuses before. For the President to go out and holler at the top of his lungs just because there is old information that is being reported again — and, in fact, the only new information that’s being reported is actually good news, I don’t think it necessarily makes sense for the President every single time to go out and say, here’s what I’m thinking. The President is focused on creating jobs in this country; he is focused on getting our economy back on track. Speaking to every question every single day doesn’t necessarily put our country on the path to where we need to be in the long term.

Q Well, it’s front-page news today. Why not be out there?

MR. BURTON: You may have noticed from this White House that we don’t necessarily just jump on every single thing that runs on the front page of newspapers.

Jake.

Q Any significance to your being here? Should we read anything into this?

MR. BURTON: You shouldn’t read a thing into it other than Gibbs had a couple of things to do.

Q What — had what?

Q Gibbs had what?

MR. BURTON: Gibbs had a couple things to do.

Q It’s not an audition?

Q Will you get a bonus? (Laughter.)

MR. BURTON: No. Unfortunately, as you may know that there’s a salary freeze in place here.

Q Were Admiral Blair and FBI Director Mueller not supposed to say in the hearing yesterday that Abdulmutallab was still talking? Was that inadvertent, sharing that information?

MR. BURTON: You would have to ask them about what was inadvertent and not inadvertent. We feel like we’ve done a good job at sharing with the American people what we’re doing to keep them safe and we’re going to continue to do that.

Q But my impression is that the reason that the briefing happened last night was because this information was starting to get out there, so the administration wanted to share the story to correct the record, but also because the information had already been disclosed that he was cooperating again. And my impression is that Blair and Mueller were the ones who let that information be known, unless I’m — unless there’s some other story –

MR. BURTON: Well, as I said, there’s a lot of information that’s getting out there from all corners. There was an importance in contextualizing some of that information that was out there from the White House. But I don’t agree with your characterization of their testimony. But we do feel like we did a good job of letting folks know exactly what we’re up to.

Q I don’t think I characterized anything, I just asked if they’d –

MR. BURTON: It seemed like characterization.

Q Is that right? Well, the other question I have has to do with a statement President Obama made last week when he was speaking at the Republican retreat, the House Republican Conference. He said — he was referring to the stray cats and dogs in the health care legislation. And he said as examples — he said, “We said from the start it was going to be important for us to be consistent in saying to people, you want to keep the health insurance you got, you can keep it; that you’re not going to have anybody getting in between you and your doctor in the decision-making. And I think that some of the provisions that got snuck in might have violated that pledge.” And he said that you guys were in the process of eliminating those provisions. What are those provisions?

MR. BURTON: Not sure. I’ll have to get back to you.

Chuck.

Q A couple questions. First, when you say he called the winners of the Illinois primary, you mean I assume the Senate race, he isn’t — not the governor’s race or anything?

MR. BURTON: He called Giannoulis and Quinn.

Q He called — not Mark Kirk? Should we assume he called Mark Kirk?

MR. BURTON: No, he did not call Mark Kirk. I think there is other calls on the schedule, but he was not called.

Q Going back to some of the facts that came out in last night’s briefing, what do you say to the criticism that says, okay, you guys started to get information from him after January 17th, sometime last week, but there obviously was a four-week gap where you got no information from him, and so the argument is you didn’t use every tool in the arsenal that you had to get information? And I guess there still hasn’t been a clear sort of response from you guys as to why you didn’t use every tool you could have used even in that, say, 24-hour period before he was Mirandized.

MR. BURTON: I’m not sure what you mean by not using every tool.

Q Getting other interrogators into the room that weren’t the FBI, inviting other members of the intelligence community.

MR. BURTON: Well, I would say that the President put his trust very much in the professionals who have been tracking them and fighting al Qaeda for the last 10 years. And it was their determination that this course of action would be the best one to extract the most amount of information. And what we’ve seen there over the course of these past weeks is that that determination was correct and that we have gotten quite a bit of usable information that has helped across the intelligence community to keep the American people safe.

So I think it’s easy to sort of armchair-quarterback this thing and say you could have done this, you could have done that, why didn’t you do this. What we know is that because of what we did, we were successful. And so the President is pleased with the results.

Q But the criticism — forget the politics of this a minute — one of the criticisms is, okay, but there was a four-week gap. And, obviously, time is of the essence on all of these — on all of this information. So how do you know you wouldn’t have gotten this information sooner had you brought in another interrogator?

MR. BURTON: Well, how do you know anything could have happened in the past differently? But what we do know –

Q But you didn’t try — you didn’t use that — other interrogators. We know –

MR. BURTON: What we do know is that the way that we did this, step by step, methodically working to get every piece of information that we possibly could, that we were able to do it.

Now, there is criticism out there from folks on Capitol Hill and not on Capitol Hill who say that we could have done this differently. The President’s view is that given the choice between politicians in Washington and the men and women who have been fighting this battle for the last 10 years against al Qaeda, he is going to talk to those folks who have been fighting al Qaeda. And I think that the results speak for themselves.

Q Is there any indication, though, that — are you saying this is always going to be the — be the way that you handle this, or could there be a next time where maybe before you Mirandize you would bring in other members of the intelligence community?

MR. BURTON: Let’s just talk about this issue of Mirandizing for a second, because a lot of you probably saw the e-mail that Robert Gibbs sent out. And in it, it explains the FBI’s current policy as it relates to Miranda. And in its Domestic Investigations and Operations Guide, it says clearly: “Within the United States, Miranda warnings are required to be given prior to custodial interviews.” Now, this is the standard by which the FBI has given — has Mirandized suspects over the course of the last years.

Q Wait, but even the FBI had made the determination not to Mirandize him immediately because there was — determined that there might be an immediate threat.

MR. BURTON: Right. In consultation with the folks who were right there on the ground with the U.S. Attorneys in Detroit, with folks here in Washington D.C., they conducted this in the way that they thought was best in order to Mirandize them. So they did ultimately Mirandize him. And the notion that going forward we’ve made a wide variety of changes on how we would conduct this investigation or how we’d conduct this interrogation, I, A, think that’s premature. I mean, this President does think that after any event, we should go back and see if there’s ways that you can do things better or differently. But I think we’re a little premature at this point. But I would just say that it has been successful. The way that we conducted this investigation, the information that we’ve been able to get has been a great help.

Q Can you quickly tell us why Tim Shriver is meeting with Rahm Emanuel?

MR. BURTON: I believe it’s to talk about issues of mutual concern and a little bit about the incident that happened in August that was reported previously.

Q And what is — what can you tell us that the Chief of Staff is going to say to Mr. Shriver?

MR. BURTON: I don’t know. He is — as you know, he has apologized. And we’re all just moving forward.

Sir.

Q Bill, tell me how things are going with respect to Iran and pursuing these sanctions against them?

MR. BURTON: Well, I would just say that Iran needs to live up to its obligations to the international community. But as a result of some of our policies, we have seen successes. We’ve seen that the international community is more united than it ever has been before in this region, Iran is more isolated from the international community than it has been before, and the nation of Iran is divided internally about what the best way forward is. So our view is that the door is still open. There is an offer on the table, and there’s still time for Iran to do the right thing. But, obviously, they have not just yet. But if they don’t, we’ll apply all pressure that we can to make sure that they do.

Q How much more time, though? You said December 31st was the time. And also, how much leverage do you really have over China, given the tensions that have erupted in the last week or two?

MR. BURTON: Well, on time frame — I don’t have a new time frame for you necessarily, but I will say that obviously this is an issue that’s deeply important to the President, and we do think that we’ve had an impact on.

As it relates to China, the President’s view is that our relationship with them is mature enough that on issues where we disagree, we can disagree but work together to come to agreement. And we can also work with them on issues of mutual concern, like nuclear non-proliferation, the global economy, climate change and things like that.

Q I’m talking about sanctions on Iran –

MR. BURTON: Well, that’s probably a better question for China.

Elizabeth.

Q This event today, the Q&A with Senate Democrats, Bill, what does the White House see — is this akin to what happened in Baltimore with the GOP last week? And also, what’s the ultimate usefulness of these Senate Democrats who are running for reelection questioning the President?

MR. BURTON: Well, the President’s view is that we ought to be as transparent as we can, and this meeting with Senate Democrats was an opportunity to, in open fashion, talk to them about some of the challenges that we have, some of the things that we need to work together to get done, and take their questions on a variety of issues. I don’t know if it was Senator Reid or another senator picked who asked the questions, but it was a pretty productive exchange. And I think that everybody felt like folks got a lot out of it.

Q Did this combined with Baltimore represent sort of a new approach by the White House to get his message out?

MR. BURTON: We’re certainly more — these meetings are certainly more on camera than they used to be. So, in that sense, it is new.

Q Can I follow up on that?

MR. BURTON: Sure, Dan.

Q Thanks. As you might know, there’s a coalition of right and left bloggers, politicos, including –

MR. BURTON: Cable pundits? (Laughter.)

Q — people who watch cable TV and people who don’t, including people who used to work in the administration and people who worked on the Obama campaign, who are asking both the President and the congressional Republican leaders in the House and Senate to hold these question sessions, to commit to holding them on a regular basis. Would the White House do that?

MR. BURTON: Well, David Axelrod has talked about this a little, and what he had to say was that part of the reason that Friday was so successful with the GOP conference is that it was for the spontaneity that occurred there. And it’s going to be hard to sort of recreate that spontaneity that happened.

Now, the President thinks that there is space for more open dialogue, more — and he’s going to look for more opportunities to do things on camera and have open discussions on important issues. But in terms of a regularly scheduled event, I don’t have anything for you on that.

Mark.

Q Bill, when the President at the town meeting yesterday said he hopes that he can get health care enacted this year, is this year his new and latest deadline? Is there anything before that that he wants to set, or is he going to give this Congress the whole year to get it done?

MR. BURTON: I think the urgency of getting health care done because of the impact that the costs have on our federal deficit, that it has on small and large businesses, that it has on individuals, didn’t go away, and the President wants to get it done as soon as possible. We don’t have a specific deadline for what the next phase in this is, though.

Q Are you able to say in what way he expects it might be enacted, with a House vote or reconciliation or something of that nature?

MR. BURTON: No, he has not said.

Roger.

Q Bill, back to Ray LaHood this morning, did the administration ask Mr. LaHood to tone down the original statement?

MR. BURTON: Not that I know of. I think that he said something that he felt could be misconstrued, and so he cleared it up in that press conference that you saw.

Q The White House has confidence in Mr. LaHood?

MR. BURTON: You bet.

Q All right. On another question, you mentioned Locke is doing a speech on tomorrow on the trade accords. Does the administration plan to renegotiate those trade accords before sending them to the Hill?

MR. BURTON: You’ll have to wait for the speech to see what the trade policy that he’s talking all about is. This might surprise you, but I don’t have any news for you on renegotiating trade agreements today.

Q The administration has had some trouble with the Colombia accord before.

MR. BURTON: Well, people come to this from different places. I think folks agree that exports help the economy, they help create American jobs. And the President is committed to doubling exports over the course of the next five years. But nobody’s going to agree on a specific trade accord just as it sits, so the President is going to continue to work with folks to make sure that we get to a good agreement that works for American workers and works for getting trade going in an aggressive way.

Q On Pakistan, there were three U.S. troops killed this morning. Is there any comment on that? Do you guys have any more details on that?

MR. BURTON: Well, obviously our hearts go out to those families of the troops who were killed there today. I also saw that some of the girls who were at the school where they were, were killed as well, which shows the heinousness of the type of criminal that would inflict that sort of pain and suffering on folks there.

The President of the United States condemns these attacks. They only act to underscore the threat that these extremists in Pakistan are to both Pakistan and to the United States. And we’re committed to rooting them out.

Q One other question. The biofuels thing this afternoon, there’s a report coming out saying that the U.S. is failing to meet the biofuels target set in the ‘07 energy legislation. Why is that?

MR. BURTON: I don’t have anything for you on that. There’s a call at 4:00 p.m. You should hop on where we’ll get into some granularity of biofuel policy.

Major.

Q Yes — do you want to leave?

MR. BURTON: No, I’m not leaving. I’m going to stick around.

Q How would you evaluate the criticism from some that, on Abdulmutallab, yes, there is more information now, but it might be in the context of plea negotiations, and it might have been extracted before the United States, from a judicial position — had offered things on the table legally to get him to talk more?

MR. BURTON: I think that’s actually addressed in Gibbs’
e-mail that that’s not on the table.

Q None of that is –

MR. BURTON: Right.

Q That there is no conversation whatsoever occurring within the context of a plea deal?

MR. BURTON: I mean, I’m not going to say what conversations are occurring or not occurring, but if you look at the e-mail that Gibbs sent you just a couple hours ago, it said that there’s no plea agreement on the table.

Q And therefore, all these conversations could have happened earlier, but they’re just happening now in a different context? I mean, what’s causing him to talk now in ways that he didn’t before?

MR. BURTON: Well, I mean, we went through some of the — we went through some of the ways that he agreed to cooperate in terms of getting his family involved, which was helpful, and he’s just decided that the best course of action is to cooperate and provide this information that he’s decided to provide.

Q On his own? Okay.

MR. BURTON: But this is from Gibbs’ e-mail: “Abdulmutallab has not been offered anything. The Department of Justice takes his cooperation into consideration, but he’s been offered nothing.”

Q Not formally or informally.

Q Can I just hop in for one quick question?

MR. BURTON: Sure.

Q I’m sorry, Major, but whether it’s Brennan’s letter to the Hill, Holder’s letter to McConnell today, the briefing yesterday, there’s been a much more aggressive case being made by the White House and the administration on how you guys are waging the war on terror and fighting for national security. What changed in the last couple days to prompt this reaction?

MR. BURTON: I don’t know if I necessarily agree that it’s a much more aggressive case being made. The President has made speeches about Afghanistan; Holder has been out there; Brennan has been out there. I think that we’ve seen a pretty coordinated effort to make sure that the American people know what’s happening inside the administration and how hard the President is working to keep them safe.

Q I mean, but do you feel that there was something that was not getting out that needed to get out more forcefully, recently, maybe since Massachusetts, or to the broader criticism you’ve been receiving, or over the Abdulmutallab case itself? Because Jake is right — if you look at these — at the body of communication, it’s not only different in volume but it’s different in content and tone than what we’ve seen over the past month or so.

MR. BURTON: Well, obviously this is a change in debate. Obviously this is a change in debate, and this administration is doing everything it can to both make sure the American people know exactly what’s happening inside the administration and also to answer questions that people might have or challenges that might come about the way that we’re doing things. But I don’t know that I necessarily agree that we’re out there more, or more aggressively, because if you consider the fact that ever since this incident on Christmas Day, we have been very aggressive in taking this on.

Q So you guys, were you seething? Did you say, day after day we’re getting hit by unfair criticism; we got to answer it?

MR. BURTON: Well, obviously nobody likes to take on criticism, but it’s Washington. And when you get a bunch of politicians talking about issues, and you get a bunch of folks who flip-flop from one part of an issue to another part of an issue, but there’s no reason for them to have done it except that there happens to be a Democratic President as opposed to a Republican President in place, the President’s view is that national security ought to be more important than an individual’s job security, if they’re a politician.

And so, no, I wouldn’t necessarily characterize how we feel the way that you have. But we have a job to do, to make sure the American people know everything that we’re doing to keep them safe, and we’re going to continue to do that.

Q Would you say the questions that were raised that you’ve begun to answer with more information, that you’ve said here at this briefing, were raised simply for political reasons or because people were legitimately, though politicians, were curious?

MR. BURTON: Well, I don’t know that I’m in a position to render a verdict on the motives necessarily, but the questions were raised and we answered them.

Q Can you — just a couple things. The Super Bowl party, do you have a –

MR. BURTON: Nope.

Q Okay. (Laughter.) Well, there is one, yes. But you’ve got no details.

MR. BURTON: Yes.

Q The Tuesday meeting with the –

MR. BURTON: Bipartisan bicameral leadership.

Q Yes. That’s the monthly –

MR. BURTON: Yes.

Q No particular agenda, just –

MR. BURTON: Well, I’m sure the agenda will be taking on some of the urgent challenges we face: jobs, the economy, what we can do on health care. So I think that some of those things will certainly be on the agenda.

Q One last thing. Tim Shriver is here, but other groups are here. It seems that there’s something else that needs to be communicated than just directly to Tim Shriver about what Rahm said and what was quoted in the papers last week.

MR. BURTON: What’s the question?

Q What else needs to be — why bring in this larger group? Is there something the administration is trying to get across to this larger group of interested parties on this issue as a result of what was published about what Rahm said last August?

MR. BURTON: This is something that happened in August. It’s something that Rahm has apologized for. Issues of derogatory comments that make fun of one group or pit one against the other don’t do anything to further our political discourse, and for that Rahm apologized and we’re looking to move forward here.

Q Did the President ask him to apologize?

MR. BURTON: I don’t know what conversations Rahm had with the President about that.

Fletcher.

Q Thanks, Bill. Tuesday’s meeting seems to harken back to some of the President’s early outreach efforts in the early days of this administration. And after those, as we know, Democrats went it alone on stimulus and health care. What gives him any optimism that things will be different now? Does he get any indication from Republicans that they want to play?

MR. BURTON: Well, if you listen to what Republicans have been saying, they say that they want to work with the President on the economy and on health care. They’re obviously still attacking in ways that they’ve attacked in the past, but if you look at some of the elections that have happened over the course of the last year, what the American people have said is they want folks in Washington to work together. The President firmly believes that the way that we can get to the best solutions and the best ideas is by working with Democrats and Republicans to get it done.

So it may be difficult to get that done in Washington in this context. It may not happen overnight. But the President is committed to working with Democrats and Republicans. But as he said in the State of the Union, if Republicans won’t come along, he’s got a duty to govern. So he’s going to do everything that he can in order to take on the things that the American people sent him here to take on.

Q Has he seen any action on the Republican side to give him any sense of optimism here, or is it just what he said?

MR. BURTON: We’re just — you got to chip away at bipartisanship one little bit at a time.

Q Okay, and one other thing, on your other point. Is there some concern in the administration that somehow this idea that you’re not doing everything possible to keep the American people safe is something that’s taking hold in the population? Is that a concern?

MR. BURTON: Well, the President wants to make sure that people know what the administration is doing, and he’s making an effort to do that.

But if you — I hesitate to do this, but the only data that we have that shows how the American people are viewing these issues is public opinion polling, and public opinion polling shows, in poll after poll after poll, that the American people think that we are — that the President is doing a good job to keep them safe; that he is effectively conducting this fight against extremists. And all we can do is everything we can to make sure that they know exactly what’s going on.

Q So like the point-by-point pushback on Collins and things like that, that’s just — that doesn’t — that’s not rooted in some concern?

MR. BURTON: I mean, the only data that we have are polls that say that the American people are supporting the way that we’re conducting this. It would sort of get at the premise of your question.

Ann.

Q Does the President think that Toyota should be hit with civil penalties for a slow reaction?

MR. BURTON: I think this is — the issue of what ought to happen to Toyota is something that’s — that is being discussed over at NHTSA and the Department of Transportation. I’d refer you there.

Q Would it ever reach the President’s level, something like that, considering the safety implications for drivers?

MR. BURTON: Well, at this point, this is — for starters, the President thinks it is critically important that the American people on our roads and highways are safe. And he thinks that the Department of Transportation and NHTSA have done a good job at pushing Toyota to make sure that people are informed about what’s going on, to make sure that those vehicles were recalled. And going forward, the place to get answers on what comes next are the Department of Transportation and NHTSA?

Mara.

Q All right, I just have questions about the Senate Democrats meeting. You said that last Friday was successful because it was so spontaneous.

MR. BURTON: In part.

Q Pardon?

MR. BURTON: In part.

Q In part because it was so spontaneous. How spontaneous do you think today was? (Laughter.)

MR. BURTON: Well, in fairness, we did tell them we were coming.

Q I’m talking about the session itself, not the fact you showed up.

MR. BURTON: I think that the — if you looked at the questions, they weren’t softballs. They were tough questions that the President took on, and they had a good exchange.

Q Okay, okay. My other question — I mean, today was a real kind of — you know, he really appealed to them to practice conviction politics instead of survival politics or calculation politics, and talked about the importance of leading and pushing forward and getting health care done. Yet you seem to be kind of almost reverting to default mode by saying he’s not going to get into the nitty-gritty or talk about the best way forward. What I’m wondering is, does he consider the completion — and of course the Senate Democrats are one of the main reasons health care didn’t get done, because they didn’t finish it in a year — but does the President consider the completion of the health care legislation to be a measurement of whether Democrats can lead or not?

MR. BURTON: Well, I think that the President sees health care as something that we desperately need to take on for a variety of reasons that don’t have anything to do with politics, and that includes the cost to the American family, the cost to American businesses, and what it’s doing to our federal deficit. So pundits can make the determination of the sort that you’re asking.

But if you look over the course of the last year, the President is proud of the accomplishments that he was able to make with this Congress, from everything from passing a Recovery Act that helped to create about 2 million jobs; passing Lilly Ledbetter to make sure that folks get — that women get equal pay for equal work; signing SCHIP into law — on and on and on. The President, I think, is pretty pleased with the amount of progress that we’ve been able to make, but he’s not satisfied that we’ve done enough.

Q But when you were asked about when he wants — you said he wants it done as soon as possible, he kind of said that all last year and it didn’t get done. And one of the criticisms that’s been raised is maybe he didn’t crack the whip early enough or didn’t really kind of heave it over the finish line himself earlier. I’m wondering if he’s planning to do anything different this year.

MR. BURTON: I wish I had some news for you on this. The President has made clear what his principles are. He’s obviously talked to Senate Democrats today. He talked to House Republicans last week. He’s going to talk to the leadership in both parties next week. And he’s going to keep working to make progress on it. It’s too important not to.

Q Can I just ask on Iran? You skipped over me.

MR. BURTON: I shouldn’t have. Go ahead.

Q All right. On Hamas, they had some very virulent anti-Israeli cartoons. In fact the Daily Show did a good job of publicizing them yesterday. Has anybody in this administration aware of these “cartoons” and do you — to affect policy in anyway?

MR. BURTON: I haven’t seen the cartoons and I missed the episode of the Jon Stewart Show, so I’ll refer you to our folks in the NSC. I’m sure Hammer might have something for you.

Q Well, I have one on Iran, too. Some of the people being executed in Iran are as young as 18 years old. Does that harden the administration’s attitude to hasten the sanctions towards Iran?

MR. BURTON: Look, the President condemns those executions. He thinks that it marks a new low in their — in where they are on human rights. He thinks that if they want to not be isolated from the international community, if they want to not keep isolating themselves even more from the Iranian people, they need to respect universal human rights.

Christine.

Q Bill, did the President call Pat Quinn to congratulate him on the win?

MR. BURTON: Yes.

Q Did he also talk to Dan Hines?

MR. BURTON: I’m not sure.

Q Is he among the Democratic leaders who would like to see Dan Hines concede the race and avoid a –

MR. BURTON: I haven’t talked to him about it.

Q Does he have a feeling — is he concerned at all about whether a protracted recount could –

MR. BURTON: Not that I know about, but I haven’t talked to him about it.

Caren.

Q Thanks, Bill. This morning the President expressed frustration over the fact that some of his nominees have been subject to a hold for an unrelated piece of business. But as you know, this was a tactic he used to use in the Senate. For example, he had a blanket hold on all EPA nominees because he was upset that the agency hadn’t put out I think it was a lead paint ruling. So how do you square that just, you know, his record using somebody else’s tactics with what he said this morning?

MR. BURTON: The President thinks that we are in serious times. And in order to take on the challenges that we’ve got, he needs a full team. It’s all hands on deck right now. And some of the things that have been held up — like let’s take some nominees, for example, and there was an unemployment insurance last month. It’s something that was held up for a long time that was wildly popular; it ended up getting passed 88-10 or so. There’s no point in holding things up that people support just to make a point that isn’t helping the American people. So we’re trying to make as much progress as we can here, and to do that we’re going to need a full team.

Q So as far as why it’s different now as opposed to then is just because the situation is a lot more serious with the economy and –

MR. BURTON: What I’m saying is that people are holding up nominees who are actually really popular and that the United States Senate would support given the opportunity. And we need a full team in order to take on the things that we’ve got going here.

Sam.

Q Yes, I’d like to take one crack at the health care angle. House Speaker Nancy Pelosi has essentially said that she could the votes to pass a bill provided that she had the guarantees that the Senate would act either first or during to amend its legislation. What is the White House doing to convey that message to Senate Democrats who, as the President rightly noted, need to act if health care is to pass?

MR. BURTON: Well, I think that Speaker Pelosi has made her views clear, and I think that she’s probably communicating her own message to Senate Democrats.

Q So you’re not helping her out communicating that message?

MR. BURTON: Well, I think that if Speaker Pelosi wants to talk to Senate Democrats, she knows where to find them, and I assume that she is indeed talking to them.

The President, as I’ve said, has made his principles clear here on health care and thinks that we need to finish the work so that we can get health reform signed into law.

Stephen.

Q Iraq is going to allow 500 people (inaudible) Baathist party in the elections in March. What role did the White House play in the last few days — I know you’ve been working on this for a while — to bring this about? And do you see now that there’s a chance for credible elections in March?

MR. BURTON: I’m going to have to get back to you on that.

Thank you. All right, guys. Thanks.

END
2:05 P.M. EST

The following remarks of President Barack Obama as prepared for delivery were supplied by the White House. Town hall meeting in Nashua, New Hampshire on Feb. 2, 2010.

Hello, Nashua! It’s great to be back in New Hampshire today. Now, as some of you might remember, I’ve spent a little time in this state. I’ve had beers at the Peddler’s Daughter here in Nashua and manned the scoop at ice cream socials from Sunapee to Dover to Hudson. I’ve walked Main Street in Concord, and visited with folks in all ten counties. I even once flew into the airport in Milan, which has got to be one of the only airports with a functioning wood stove.

So I’ve had the privilege of getting to know folks here in New Hampshire. I’ve seen firsthand that spirit of independence and self-reliance. I know how hard you all work, and how tough and resilient you all are.

But I also know that folks here in New Hampshire have been tested by these last two years.

We’ve gone through the deepest recession since the Great Depression, and folks here have had their lives uprooted by lost jobs, foreclosed homes, shuttered businesses, and vanished savings. Many good, hard-working people who met their responsibilities are now struggling because folks on Wall Street and in Washington didn’t meet theirs.

So when I took office, we knew the first thing we had to do was break the back of this recession. That meant doing some things that weren’t easy, and that I know weren’t popular. It wasn’t popular to prevent our financial system from collapsing by throwing a lifeline to the very Wall Street banks that helped cause this crisis in the first place. But if we hadn’t taken these steps, the entire system could have gone down and taken our economy and millions of families and businesses with it.

Because of the steps we took, the markets have stabilized. No one’s worrying about another Great Depression like they were a year ago. The worst of the storm has passed. But the devastation remains. Today, one in ten Americans still can’t find work.

That is why jobs will be our number one focus in 2010. And we’re going to start where most new jobs do – with small businesses. These are the companies that begin in basements and garages when an entrepreneur takes a chance on his dream, or a worker decides it’s time she became her own boss. They’re companies like ARC Energy, which I visited earlier today. These folks are hard at work on a new manufacturing process for ultra-efficient LED lights that will make them affordable for ordinary people. The technology they’ve created is the only of its kind in the world. They’re this little business in a condo out on Amherst Street, and they have the potential to revolutionize an industry. Right here in Nashua.

Small businesses like ARC Energy have created roughly 65 percent of all new jobs over the past decade and a half. And I think we should make it easier for them to open their doors, expand their operations, and hire more workers. That’s why I’ve proposed a new tax credit for more than one million small businesses that hire new workers or raise wages – and a tax incentive for all businesses to invest in new plants and equipment. And while we’re at it, we should eliminate all capital gains taxes on small business investment, so these folks can get the capital they need to grow and create jobs.

That’s particularly critical right now, as bank lending standards have tightened, and many small businesses are struggling to get loans.

That’s why today, I’m announcing a proposal to take $30 billion of the money that was repaid by Wall Street banks, and use it to create a new Small Business Lending Fund that will provide capital for community banks on Main Street. These are the small, local banks that work most closely with our small businesses – that provide them their first loan, and watch them grow through good times and bad. The more loans these banks provide to creditworthy small businesses, the better a deal we’ll give them on capital from this Fund. Combined with my proposal back in December to continue waiving fees and increasing guarantees for SBA-backed loans, this will help small banks do even more of what our economy needs – ensure that small businesses are once again the engine of job growth in America.

This is just one example of what we’ve been doing to create jobs this past year. As some of you might remember, last February, we passed the Recovery Act, which had three parts. One third was tax relief for small businesses and 95 percent of working families. One third was emergency relief like increasing unemployment benefits and helping states keep teachers and police officers from losing their jobs. And one third was putting people to work on infrastructure, renewable energy, medical research and more.

Now, I understand why some people are wondering whether the Recovery Act has really worked. Because while these steps mean 2 million Americans are working right now who’d otherwise be unemployed, and our economy is growing again instead of shrinking – and growing at the fastest rate in 6 years – we lost 7 million jobs during this recession. So we’ve still got a pretty big hole to fill. And if you or a member of your family is one of those 7 million, I know it’s not particularly satisfying or reassuring to hear that it could have been a whole lot worse.

And because there’s no magic wand that will make economic problems that were years in the making disappear overnight, it’s easy for politicians to exploit the anger and anguish folks are feeling right now. But I have to say, I’ve noticed that some of the very same folks in Congress who opposed the Recovery Act – and claim that it hasn’t worked – have been all too happy to claim credit for Recovery Act projects in their districts and the jobs those projects have produced. In other words, they’ve found a way to have their cake and vote against it too.

So we’re making progress here, but it can’t come fast enough. And we know that if we truly want to have long-term economic growth in this country, then we need to start addressing the struggles middle-class families have been grappling with for years, long before this recession ever hit.

This past decade has been one of the toughest our middle class has faced in generations, as folks have seen their paychecks shrink and their housing prices fall, while the cost of everything from groceries to health care to college has gone up. They’re working two jobs; they’re working longer hours – but it’s not adding up. And a lot of people put their kids to bed at night wondering whether they’ll be able to give them the opportunities in life that they deserve.

I didn’t run for president to kick these challenges down the road. I didn’t run for president to play it safe and keep my poll numbers as high as possible for the next election. I ran to solve problems for the next generation. I ran to get the hard things done. And I won’t rest until businesses are hiring again, and wages are rising again, and the middle class is thriving again, and we’ve finally got an economy that works for all Americans again. I won’t rest until we do what we know will secure our continued leadership in the 21st century global economy. I’m not ready to cede the future to China or India or any other country. I’m not willing to settle for second place. Not for the United States of America.

But here’s the thing, Nashua: I can’t do this alone. Democrats can’t do this alone – nor should we. We’ve got two parties in this country. And that’s a good thing. It means we have heated debates and vigorous disagreements. And messy as that is, it means bad ideas can be discarded, good ones can be made better, and we don’t go too far to any one extreme. That’s the genius of our democracy.

So I was pleased when the House Republican Caucus graciously invited me to attend their retreat last week. For more than an hour, we had a frank conversation about the issues facing our country. We aired some grievances. We shared some ideas. There were plenty of things on which we didn’t agree. But there were also things on which we did – and many on which we should if we could just focus on solving problems instead of scoring political points.

We all agree that education is the key to a twenty-first century economy. We agree that the best anti-poverty program around is a world-class education. So why don’t we work together to transform our schools, so that every child in America can compete with their counterparts, from Beijing to Bangalore. Let’s work together to upgrade our community colleges, which are the gateway to a career for the children of so many working families. And in an era when a high school diploma is no longer a guarantee of a good job, let’s make college affordable for every qualified student. No graduate should have to pay more than ten percent of his or her income on student loans each year. We can see to it that they don’t – and we should.

Republicans and Democrats may not see eye to eye on the threat of global warming, but shouldn’t we agree that American grown energy is good for our security, and that new clean energy jobs are good for our economy? And surely, we can all agree that these jobs shouldn’t be going to China, or Germany – they should be here in America. So let’s invest in innovation. Let’s put people to work on solar panels and wind towers and cutting-edge batteries. Because the nation that leads the clean energy economy will be the nation that leads the global economy, and America must be that nation.

These are key parts of the foundation we need to build a better future for our families and our country. And so is fixing a health insurance system that too often works better for the insurance industry than it does for the American people.

No one should be satisfied with a system that allows insurance companies to deny care to folks with pre-existing conditions, or to kick people off their plans when they get too sick. No one should accept a system where small businesses are forced to pay outrageous premiums to get their workers covered, and seniors have big gaps in their Medicare prescription coverage. No one should accept another decade in which health insurance premiums double and millions lose their coverage altogether.

These are the things I hear about every day in the letters I get – from families going bankrupt; from small businesses crushed by their health care costs. So I won’t walk away from these efforts. I won’t walk away from these people. And I don’t think Congress should either. I think we should keep working to get this done – Democrats and Republicans together.

Finally, shouldn’t we all agree that we have got to do something about our deficits? These deficits won’t just burden our kids and grandkids decades from now – they could damage our markets, drive up our interest rates, and jeopardize our recovery right now

This isn’t how responsible families do their budgets. When times are tough, you tighten your belts. You don’t go buying a boat when you can barely pay your mortgage. You don’t blow a bunch of cash in Vegas when you’re trying to save for college. You prioritize. You make tough choices. And it’s time your government did the same.

That’s why I’ve proposed cutting more than 120 government programs – consolidating ones that are duplicative, reducing ones that are wasteful, and eliminating those that just don’t work. That’s why I’ve proposed to cap government spending over the next three years. Spending related to Medicare, Medicaid, Social Security and our national security will not be affected. But all other discretionary government programs will. And that’s why I’m grateful that both the House and Senate have now voted to reinstate the PAYGO rule that helped create those record surpluses back in the 1990s instead of the record deficits we had when I came into office. The concept here is very simple: you pay as you go. You want to start a new program? Go ahead. But you’ve got to cut another one to pay for it.

That’s how we’ll make sure we’re spending your money wisely. That’s how we’ll get our deficits under control. And that’s something on which Democrats and Republicans should be able to agree, if we could just get past the Washington game. Yet just last week, the Senate blocked a law I supported to create a bi-partisan Fiscal Commission that would come up with a set of recommendations for cutting our deficits in the long term – because solving this difficult challenge is something we can only do together. But this law failed when seven Republicans who had co-sponsored this idea suddenly walked away from their own proposal after I endorsed it. Now, it’s one thing to have an honest difference of opinion on something. There’s nothing wrong with that. It’s another to walk away from your responsibilities to confront the challenges facing this country because you think it’s good short-term politics. That’s what we can’t afford.

The message you all sent when you elected me, and that folks made clear this past month, is that you’re out of patience for this kind of business as usual. You made it clear that you want us to start worrying less about our jobs and more about yours. You want us to worry less about our elections and more about solving your problems. And for once, you’d like your government to reflect the sense of responsibility, decency, and generosity with which you live your lives.

It’s the spirit that led students here at Nashua North to spring into action in the wake of the tragedy in Haiti – planning fundraisers, selling ribbons, collecting money at lunch – all to help folks they’ve never known in a place they’ve never been.

It’s the spirit that drives small business owners like Kedar Gupta, the CEO of ARC Energy. Years before Kedar founded ARC, he co-founded a company called GT Solar with just $1,000 – and it now has 343 employees and hundreds of millions in revenue. All along, he made sure his employees shared in the company’s profits. When the company hit tough times, he cut his own salary first. And when talking about his philosophy of business, he explains that many CEOs take a “Me, me and me” approach, but that his approach is about “we” – about not just benefitting himself, but lifting his employees too.

We’ve come through a tough year and a tough decade, but that fundamental decency – that determination to do what’s right that has always been at the core of the American people – that should fill us all with optimism about what lies ahead. So let’s put aside the small things. Let’s come together and do what’s hard, and do what’s necessary to help the middle class succeed again; to give our kids a shot at their dreams again; and to fulfill the promise of this great country in our time. Thank you, God bless you, and God bless the United States of America.